SILENCE in politics is usually a sign of strength. Loud gestures often hide vulnerability. For more than ten years, the DAP has held a powerful position among the Chinese community. They were the untouchable giant. They commanded a solid bloc of votes based on a simple story.
This story was about fighting corruption and stopping the so-called Green Wave. But things are changing. The recent by-elections show a shift. The reality of the Unity Government is biting hard. The DAP is facing a crisis of confidence. This is evident in the drop in voter turnout and support in recent elections, where their share of the vote fell from 70 per cent to 55 per cent in key constituencies. Support from the Chinese community was once seen as a fixed deposit. That support is now cracking. The party faces a restless base. Their old fear tactics work less effectively.
The DAP seems to be going back to a dangerous old playbook. They play the victim. They act like heroes in a drama. They stoke sensitive ethnic issues, such as the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC), to regain support. This is not just politics. It is a dangerous game. It risks destroying the ethnic harmony Malaysia is trying to preserve.
To understand what the DAP is doing, we must accept a new reality: the Chinese voter is not a single bloc that thinks alike. For years, people believed Chinese voters would vote for a lamp post if it carried the DAP rocket logo. They did this to keep Umno or Pas out. However, the politics of 2024 and 2025 have shattered this assumption.
A brief look into history shows that the Chinese electorate has never been a monolith. In the 1999 general election, for instance, a significant portion of Chinese voters supported the Barisan Nasional coalition, reflecting diverse political affinities within the community. Such examples indicate that the DAP's recent challenges are not unprecedented, but rather a continuation of an existing electoral reality.
Recent voting trends in Sabah and mixed urban seats show a significant swing. Scaring people about Pas no longer works as well as it once did. Urban Chinese voters are growing tired—not of the opposition, but of the government they helped put in power. They see a quiet DAP in Putrajaya. They see a party compromising on principles it once shouted about when it was in opposition. Economic anxiety is replacing political belief. The cost of living is rising. Subsidies are disappearing. Reforms feel distant. The Chinese working class is asking a difficult question: what has their loyalty delivered?
The DAP is silent on issues it once fought for—reformasi, equal rights and transparency. The grassroots notice this silence. The DAP leadership is panicking over this loss of support. They cannot campaign on the economy because the economy is struggling. They cannot campaign against the establishment because they are now the establishment.
So, they return to the one thing that has always worked: identity politics. This explains the recent drama surrounding the UEC. DAP Secretary-General Anthony Loke recently stated that he would be willing to resign if it guaranteed UEC recognition. This is a textbook example of desperation.
On the surface, it appears noble—a hero standing up for community education rights. But look closely, and this is what can be aptly described as 'martyr marketing.' It is political theatre designed to reassure a frustrated Chinese base that the party is still fighting for them, without risking the government's stability.
DAP leaders know the truth. They know that forcing UEC recognition at this moment is impossible. Doing so within a coalition that includes Umno would collapse the Unity Government overnight. Anthony Loke frames the issue as a personal sacrifice. By talking about resignation, he shifts the focus away from results and toward his willingness to suffer. This is the modern version of the victim tactic. In the past, the DAP positioned itself as a victim of the MCA or Umno.
Now it casts itself as a martyr within its own government— bound by coalition partners, tragically unable to fulfil promises, yet supposedly willing to fall on its sword. This narrative generates sympathy and distracts voters from the party’s failures. The tragedy of this strategy is its danger. By pushing the UEC issue back into the spotlight, the DAP turns it into a non-negotiable symbol of Chinese dignity. This reopens old wounds in Malaysia’s race relations. The UEC has always been a contentious issue. Many Malays view it as a parallel education system that departs from the National Education Policy. They worry it undermines national integration and the status of the national language. Whether one agrees with these concerns or not is beside the point.
Politically, the issue is explosive. By prioritising the UEC over national unity or economic recovery, the DAP signals that narrow group interests matter more than national consensus. They are provoking a conflict they know will generate backlash.
For every headline demanding UEC recognition, there will be a response from Malay nationalist groups. This cycle benefits the DAP.
When Umno Youth or Malay NGOs attack the DAP over the UEC, the party turns to the Chinese community and claims persecution. It tells voters they are under attack and need protection. This siege mentality keeps loyalty intact through fear. The cost of this strategy is social peace. While the Prime Minister calls for unity and an end to racial rhetoric, the DAP insists on playing ethnic cards. It is like an arsonist in a dry field—inviting retaliation, unsettling moderate Malays, and deepening mistrust between communities.
For decades, the DAP grew by portraying non-Malays as underdogs fighting oppressive Malay-Muslim rule. Today, they sit in the corridors of power. They hold the most seats in the government coalition. Yet, they still behave like a persecuted opposition.
Every criticism from Pas is framed as a threat to the Chinese way of life. Every racial slur by minor politicians is amplified to justify their role as protectors. This is a mental trap for the Chinese community. It promotes separation. It encourages the belief that they are guests in their own country. It prevents genuine integration and keeps the community in a constant state of anxiety, an anxiety the DAP itself creates and then claims to cure.
How should the Malay community respond? The instinctive reaction is anger. DAP demands appear to challenge the National Education Policy, triggering defensive responses. This is precisely what DAP strategists want. A hostile Malay reaction validates their victim narrative.
However, the response must be smarter, more strategic, and more mature by embracing shared Malaysian values such as 'mutual dignity. Mutual dignity implies respect and understanding for all communities, fostering a sense of belonging for every Malaysian.
Instead of falling into an identity politics trap, both Malays and non-Malays must champion principles that unite rather than divide. This involves promoting inclusivity, advocating for collective growth over isolated interests, and recognising the richness of Malaysia's diversity as a strength rather than a point of contention. By rising above provocations with these values in focus, Malaysia can envision an alternative identity, one grounded in shared respect and a commitment to genuine unity.
The Malay community should not respond impulsively. Dramatic gestures signify vulnerability, not strength. Strong parties focus on achieving outcomes, while weak parties resort to resignations. Malays are advised to avoid confrontational discourse, as it only serves to energise DAP hardliners. Instead, the response should be measured and principled.
Malay leaders should highlight the National Education Policy as an instrument for unity rather than dominance. The rejection of the UEC in its present form should be presented as an endorsement of a unified national curriculum for all Malaysians, positioning the Malay stance on the moral high ground. It is also essential to highlight the contradiction.
How can a party claim to be “Malaysia First” while championing a segregated examination system? Exposing this hypocrisy weakens DAP’s appeal, especially among moderate, urban Malaysians of all races who want national cohesion. The most effective counter to DAP politics is fair and inclusive Malay leadership. Malay leaders must address legitimate concerns from non-Malay communities—such as economic opportunity and administrative fairness—without capitulating to DAP’s identity demands. If Malay leadership governs fairly for all, the DAP loses its core justification.
The DAP stands at a crossroads. It is losing organic support and facing a Chinese electorate that is increasingly transactional and cynical. In response, the party is reviving old tools of ethnic mobilisation, using the UEC and victimhood to rally its base.
This is a reckless gamble that prioritises short-term political survival over long-term national stability. It drags Malaysia back into racial confrontation so that a few politicians can cling to power. Malaysia deserves better. We deserve political discourse that moves beyond outdated racial scripts. The Chinese community must recognise how it is being used as a pawn.
The Malay community must rise above provocation and respond with restraint and commitment to unity. To foster such unity, Malaysia could establish bipartisan education panels as a constructive pathway.
These panels would focus on integrating diverse educational needs and policies to promote a harmonious approach to the UEC issue that transcends ethnic divides. Such a solution would reinforce the essay's credibility by providing a forward-looking route beyond confrontation.
The only way to stop a fire is to refuse to add fuel. Instead, let us be water—cool, calm, and collective. As a community, we have the power to douse the flames of division and replace them with harmony. Let us choose unity over conflict, creating a wave of peace that extinguishes the fires of discord.
Mohd Azmir Mohd Nizah is a lecturer at the Universiti Sains Islam Malaysia and Afi Roshezry Abu Bakar is a lecturer at the Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman. The opinions expressed in this article belong solely to the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of Sinar Daily.