From Hukum Kanun Melaka to the Federal Constitution

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Royal Malaysian Navy flag bearers prepare for the ceremony to raise the Jalur Gemilang at Southeast Asia’s tallest flagpole in conjunction with the 69th National Day celebrations at Dataran Selangor, Shah Alam Club, Seksyen 13 on Aug 26, 2026. - Photo by Bernama

Malaysia’s constitutional story did not begin with independence.

WHEN Malaysians speak about the Federal Constitution, the story often begins in 1957 — with Merdeka, the Reid Commission and the establishment of the Federation of Malaya.

But Malaysia’s constitutional story did not begin with independence.

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Long before 1957, the Malay Peninsula had established traditions of law, governance, sovereignty and justice, recorded in texts such as the Hukum Kanun Melaka, Undang-Undang Laut Melaka, Hukum Kanun Pahang, Undang-Undang 99 Perak, Undang-Undang Kedah and Hukum Kanun Johor.

These were not constitutions in the modern democratic sense but they demonstrate that the Malay world had developed written rules governing rulers, officials, subjects, commerce, justice and the administration of the state.

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The Hukum Kanun Melaka, associated with the Melaka Sultanate, brought together adat, Islamic principles and rules covering criminal and civil matters, commerce, family affairs and the responsibilities of rulers and officials. 

The Undang-Undang Laut Melaka extended this legal order to the maritime world, regulating trade, navigation, discipline and authority at sea.

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That tradition evolved in other Malay states, most notably in the Hukum Kanun Pahang.

In her study of the Hukum Kanun Pahang, Tengku Ampuan Pahang Tunku Azizah Aminah Maimunah Iskandariah argued that the text should not be viewed merely as an old collection of laws, but as evidence of an embryonic Malay-Islamic constitutional tradition. 

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Her research as a master’s candidate at the International Islamic University Malaysia’s International Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilisation 

examined how the Kanun regulated the ruler, government officials, justice, taxation, commerce, maritime affairs and the obligations of subjects.

Her conclusion challenged a familiar assumption that constitutionalism in the Malay states only emerged with the transition from traditional monarchy to constitutional monarchy under the modern constitutional system.

The Hukum Kanun Pahang, she argued, suggested that there was already an understanding that authority operated within a framework of law, justice and responsibility.

That does not make the Kanun equivalent to the Federal Constitution. It did not establish elections, parliamentary democracy, modern fundamental liberties or the contemporary separation of powers.

But the comparison is important because it shifts the question from whether the ancient codes were “constitutions” in the modern sense to whether they contained constitutional ideas.

And clearly, they did.

The ruler possessed authority, but governance was accompanied by duties. Officials had defined responsibilities. 

Justice was an important measure of good government. Law provided an ordering framework for the state.

This also provides historical context for the constitutional continuity of the Malay Rulers.

Merdeka did not abolish the Malay monarchies. Instead, the Federal Constitution transformed their position within a modern constitutional order.

The Rulers ceased to exercise traditional forms of absolute authority and became constitutional monarchs, while executive and legislative power was organised within parliamentary democracy and federalism.

There was therefore a profound transformation — but not a complete historical rupture.

Other legal texts reinforce this broader picture. The Undang-Undang 99 Perak, Undang-Undang Kedah and Hukum Kanun Johor, among others, show that written legal traditions developed across the Malay states, adapting adat and Islamic principles to local circumstances.

Their significance today is not that Malaysia should revive ancient laws as modern legislation, nor that these texts should be treated as direct equivalents of the Federal Constitution. Rather, they reveal a longer Malaysian history of thinking about law, authority and responsible government.

The Federal Constitution remains the supreme law of Malaysia, but it emerged within a society that already possessed political institutions, legal traditions and ideas about legitimate authority.

Tunku Azizah’s research into the Hukum Kanun Pahang adds an important dimension to that history. 

It invites Malaysians to see constitutional development not simply as something that began in 1957, but as a process of continuity, adaptation and transformation. 

Merdeka gave a new constitutional form to a much older political and legal tradition.