DAP’s new leadership: Strategic shifts, future prospects and hidden cracks

DAP has announced its Central Executive Committee (CEC) for the 2025-2028 term, marking a significant milestone in its history as it navigates an increasingly complex political landscape.

With Gobind Singh Deo taking over as national chairman, replacing Lim Guan Eng, who will move to party advisor, and Anthony Loke remaining as secretary-general, the DAP is striking a balance between continuity and renewal.

The lineup, which includes experienced politicians such as Nga Kor Ming and rising stars like Syahredzan Johan, indicates a deliberate decision to project stability while cultivating a third generation of leaders.

The lineup, which includes experienced politicians such as Nga Kor Ming and rising stars like Syahredzan Johan, indicates a deliberate decision to project stability while cultivating a third generation of leaders. - Bernama photo

However, underlying this carefully orchestrated transition, concerns persist about the party's orientation, its capacity to adapt to Malaysia's changing demographics and whether its leadership can ensure the DAP's future beyond its urban strongholds.

This study examines the strategic implications of this new CEC, evaluates its potential flaws and speculates on what the future holds for DAP in a country where racial and religious politics remain powerful.

A Strategic Pivot: Blending Experience with Fresh Faces

The appointment of Gobind as national chairman is a strategic move that demonstrates the DAP's desire to maintain its image as a competent, multiracial party while distancing itself from the baggage of previous scandals involving Guan Eng.

Gobind, a skilled communicator and legal scholar, exudes professionalism that may appeal to Malaysia's burgeoning middle class a key DAP base.

Meanwhile, Guan Eng's transition to an advisory post guarantee that his influence endures without subjecting him to direct scrutiny, a strategy similar to that of older politicians in other democratic systems.

Loke's prolonged stay as secretary-general contributes to this stability, highlighting his reputation as a moderate leader who guided DAP through the turbulent years of the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition, thereby providing a sense of security about the DAP's future.

Nevertheless, the presence of younger leaders such as Syahredzan and Young Syefura Othman suggests a more extensive strategy: preparing for a future in which Gen Z and millennial voters would dominate.

These selections suggest that DAP is aware of the need to broaden its appeal beyond the traditional Chinese urban constituency that has typically supported it.

The party is facing impending state elections in Sabah, Sarawak, Melaka and Johor, and the 16th General Election (GE16) in 2028 will be a crucial battleground where youth involvement and multicultural outreach will be critical.

However, this mix of old and new poses an important question: Is DAP indeed developing, or is it simply rebranding its leadership to conceal underlying structural issues?

Critics believe the party's emphasis on known names risks reinforcing a dynastic aura, potentially repelling voters seeking a more dramatic rupture with the past.

The Future of DAP: Can It Break the Ethnic Ceiling?

DAP's historical strength has been its urban, non-Malay base—particularly among Chinese and Indian voters in Penang, Selangor and Kuala Lumpur.

The 2025-2028 CEC roster, with its broad ethnic representation (e.g., Arul Kumar Jambunathan, Kasthuriraani Patto), demonstrates a continued commitment to the "Malaysian Malaysia" ideal outlined in the 1967 Setapak declaration.

However, the party's failure to penetrate the Malay electorate remains its Achilles' heel. While leaders such as Nga and Liew Chin Tong have gained traction in semi-urban areas, many Malays still regard the DAP as a "Chinese party," a narrative promoted by rivals such as Umno and Pas.

The future of DAP depends on whether its leadership can deconstruct that impression.

Although the transfer from Guan Eng to Gobind appears seamless, there are hints of conflict between old-guard supporters and advocates for a more progressive change. - Bernama photo

The nomination of Yeo Bee Yin as national publicity secretary and Liew as strategic director reflects a concentration on smart messaging and policy innovation aimed at attracting Malay professionals and young people disillusioned with ethno-religious politics.

However, the party's detractors argue that this tactic is overly metropolitan and technical, overlooking the rural Malay heartland, where emotions, not policy documents, often sway votes.

Without a significant grassroots drive to engage kampungs and small towns, possibly led by a Malay protagonist with populist appeal, the DAP risks becoming a regional rather than a national behemoth.

The clock is ticking and GE16 will determine if this CEC can overcome its ethnic ceiling or remain constrained.

Criticisms and Blind Spots: A Party at a Crossroads

While the new CEC promotes unity and competence, it is not immune to criticism.

One primary concern is the concentration of power among Peninsular Malaysian leaders, with little representation from East Malaysia, despite the DAP's growing prominence in Sabah and Sarawak.

Chong Chieng Jen's appointment as deputy national chairman is a nod to Sarawak.

However, the lack of additional significant East Malaysian voices could be a strategic mistake, especially as these states seek greater autonomy and attention in Malaysia's federal structure.

This mistake could harm the DAP's standing in upcoming state elections, where local frustrations may overshadow national concerns.

Another criticism is that the party appears complacent in dealing with internal factionalism.

Although the transfer from Guan Eng to Gobind appears seamless, there are hints of conflict between old-guard supporters and advocates for a more progressive change.

The presence of personalities such as Ramkarpal Singh and Teo Nie Ching, both from illustrious DAP families, may foster allegations of cronyism, undercutting the party's meritocratic promises.

Furthermore, the CEC's excessive dependence on technocrats, such as Wong Kah Woh and Chan Foong Hin, may alienate working-class voters who are disillusioned with the DAP's polished, urban elite image.

If the party fails to close this gap, it risks losing ground to opponents who grasp populist rhetoric, as demonstrated in the 2020 political crisis that led to the downfall of PH.

Insights for the Road Ahead: Reinvention or Stagnation?

Looking ahead, DAP is at a crossroads between reinvention and stagnation.

The 2025-2028 term provides an opportunity to redefine its identity as an opposition-turned-governing party and a truly national force capable of bringing Malaysia's rich tapestry together.

One uncommon insight is that the DAP may learn from its Singaporean counterpart, the People's Action Party (PAP), which transitioned from a socialist organisation to a pragmatic, results-driven machine.

DAP may increase its appeal without abandoning its essential ideas by focusing on governance achievements such as affordable housing or job development rather than ideological conflicts.

Alternatively, the party might take a riskier approach, doubling down on grassroots activism to confront the racialised status quo head-on.

This may include bringing a dynamic Malay leader to the forefront or collaborating with progressive NGOs to bolster its social justice credentials.

Critics may dismiss such idealism given Malaysia's split society, but the result could be a breakthrough in Malay-majority areas.

DAP must avoid becoming complacent as a PH pillar in whatever direction it adopts.

With Umno weaker and Pas ascendant, the political landscape is altering, presenting danger and opportunity.

The 2025-2028 CEC has the tools to determine DAP's fate, but only if it is willing to tackle its flaws with the zeal it used to topple Barisan Nasional in 2018.

Mohd Azmir Mohd Nizah is a lecturer at the Universiti Sains Islam Malaysia and Afi Roshezry Abu Bakar is a lecturer at the Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman. The opinions expressed in this article belong solely to the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of Sinar Daily.